With kind permission of the Irish Times
Monday, November 18, 2013 - page 2.
Ruadhán Mac Cormaic, Legal Affairs Correspondent
[t]he provisions on voting contained in the applicable European treaties focus on the core concerns of ensuring equal treatment between EU citizens residing in member states other than that of their nationality, and so safeguarding freedom of movement within the EU. Eligibility to vote in member states is basically a matter for national legislatures.
Prisoners' voting is an emotive subject. Some people feel very strongly that prisoners should not be allowed to vote. And public opinion polls indicate that most people share that view.
In any democracy, the franchise will be determined by domestic laws which will define those entitled to vote in more or less inclusive terms [....] The exclusion of convicted prisoners from the franchise is not a universal principle among mature democracies, but neither is it uncommon.
From a prisoner's point of view the loss of the right to vote is likely to be a very minor deprivation by comparison with the loss of liberty.
Wherever the threshold for imprisonment is placed, it seems to have been their view that there must always be some offences which are serious enough to warrant imprisonment but not serious enough to warrant disenfranchisement. Yet the basis of this view is nowhere articulated.
[t]hese were exceptionally serious murders, and it is right that the applicant should remain in prison for the rest of his life by way of punishment.
In my judgment it is overwhelmingly in DE’s best interests to have a vasectomy. That being said the court does not make such an order lightly, conscious as it is for the court to make an order permitting the lifelong removal of a person’s fertility for non-medical reasons requires strong justification.
Every person who shall commit, at or near and inside of any place along which the public habitually pass as of right or by permission any act in such a way as to offend modesty or cause scandal or injure the morals of the community shall be guilty of an offence under this section and shall on summary conviction thereof be liable to a fine not exceeding [IR£500] or, at the discretion of the court to imprisonment for any term not exceeding [six months].
the underlying purpose of the private prosecution is still the same, namely, to draw to the public prosecutor's attention to the case with the implicit request that the prosecution be taken over.
At a meeting held today, the Government decided to advise the President in the exercise of the power vested in him by Article 13.6 of the Constitution to commute to Penal Servitude for forty years the sentence of death by the Special Criminal Court on the 3rd of December 1985 on Noel Callan on his conviction of the capital murder of Garda Sergeant Patrick Morrissey. Pursuant to that decision, I have been directed by the Taoiseach to convey the Government's advice to the President to commute the sentence of death accordingly.
It is suggested that [Mr. Callan] was liable to be held in custody for forty years without being subject to the obligations of, or entitled to the protections contained in, the Prison Rules. It must be doubted whether that form of imprisonment would comply with the Constitution or with the State's international obligations.
It would have been quite possible to amend the Prison Rules but this was not done. Instead, it was simply decided to proceed as though the Carney case had never happened [...]. The State case continued in this way until Penal Servitude was itself abolished in 1997, forty years after Carney was decided. But, fourteen years later again, when [Mr. Callan] claimed he was entitled to remission it was solemnly decided to rely on Carney [...].
This cannot provide a rational basis or justification for the differential treatment of those in a civil partnership compared to same-sex couples outside a civil partnership.
If it is to avoid being misleading Departmental guidance must take account of the effect of the law as it currently stands. It must take account of the outcome of the present appeal.
I do not accept this, any more than the Court of Appeal did. [Mr. Justice Moylan] was entitled to take account of [Mr. Prest's] ownership and control of the companies and his unrestricted access to the companies' assets in assessing what his resources were for the purpose of section 25(2)(a). But he was not entitled to order the companies' assets to be transferred to [Ms. Prest] in satisfaction of the lump sum order simply by virtue of section 24(1)(a). (emphasis added)Lord Sumption outlined three reasons for not giving the legislation the same effect as Mr. Justice Moylan did. The first reason is because it is axiomatic that the words in the statute are not read in a way that departs from the general system of law without expressing the intention of the legislation with "irresistible clearness". The second reason is the type of transfer in this case is ordinarily unnecessary to achieve a fair distribution of the assets. The third reason is because there is legislation on the avoidance of transactions intended to prevent or reduce financial relief. This is designed, in certain circumstances, to remedy a situation where a party attempts to frustrate proceedings by disposing of assets.
[t]he parties bargained so as to agree never to fall below that initially agreed rent and I cannot see that they bargained thereafter for anything other than a fair open market rent. That can rise and that can fall.
there is a wholesale grant, indeed abdication, of lawmaking power to private persons unidentified and unidentifiable at the time of grant to make law in respect of a broad and important area of human activity and subject only to a limited power of veto by a subordinate body ... Nor did the Oireachtas retain any capacity for review either by the Oireachtas or by a member of the Executive responsible to it, of the agreements actually made.